This Research Paper has been co-authored by Ananya Atri and Falguni Mahajan. You’ll find a downloadable version of the paper at the end. We wish you an insightful read and hope to hear from you in the comment section.
Learning Outcomes:
- Understand the concept of feminist foreign policy (FFP) and its core values.
- Examine case studies of countries that have implemented feminist foreign policies.
- Discuss the obstacles and challenges in implementing a feminist foreign policy, including societal biases, resistance from male resentment, the need for nuanced approaches in various policy areas, and difficulties in monitoring progress
Theorising Feminist Foreign Policy
“Feminist Foreign Policy is the policy of a state that defines its interactions with other states and movements in a manner that prioritises gender equality and enshrines the human rights of women and other traditionally marginalised groups, allocates significant resources to achieve that vision, and seeks through its implementation to disrupt patriarchal and male-dominated power structures across all of its levers of influence (aid, trade, defence, and diplomacy), informed by the voices of feminist activists, groups, and movements.”
- (Leric & Clement, 2019, 7)
The concept of a Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) may seem utopian to some, prompting questions such as “Why should we prioritise a feminist approach in our foreign policy?” or “Why is there a focus on increasing women’s prominence?”. In our society, we have seldom questioned the dominance of cisgender men in international organisations, conferences, and parliaments. So, a feminist foreign policy may act as a balancing act in itself. But the problem goes far beyond instilling more women into decision-making roles. It seeks to penetrate every level of society, only to ensure that the realm of international space does not remain an “elite men’s club.”
This paper will try to understand what a feminist foreign policy is, and what its core values are, examine some case studies, and discuss its obstacles.
But before the authors chime in, they seek to theorise feminist foreign policy.
Ethics of care
The ethics of care is a moral theory that emphasises the importance of relationships, empathy, and interconnectedness in ethical decision-making. It argues that caring for others and attending to their needs is a fundamental aspect of morality. In the ethics of care, moral considerations are centred around the specific needs and vulnerabilities of individuals and communities, rather than applying universal rules or principles. It recognises the value of emotions, empathy, and personal connections in guiding ethical action.
Why does all of this concern the foreign policy of the state? Well, unsurprisingly, emotions do play a prominent role in International Relations because, ultimately, diplomacy is itself an art-play of Individuals. (Check out Should You Be Emotional?: A Look Into The Power of Emotional Diplomacy.)
The article “Theorising Feminist Foreign Policy” (Aggestam, Rosamond, et al,. 2019) argues that feminist foreign policy is rooted in an ethical commitment to caring for and nurturing distant others beyond one’s own political community. However, traditional scholarship on ethical foreign policy has often overlooked gender analysis and feminist ethical engagement. The authors propose that the ethics of care provides a valuable framework for analysing feminist-inspired foreign and security policy discourse and practice.
By embracing an ethics of care approach, feminist foreign policy can incorporate care values, dialogue, and empathy into decision-making processes. It acknowledges the situatedness of states within distinct cultural and ethical contexts, as well as the diverse subjectivities and moral preferences of citizens. This approach challenges orthodox notions of foreign policy that neglect the experiences of women and colonial subjects. Additionally, an ethics of care approach involves listening to marginalised voices and prioritising gender-just protection.
Empathetic cooperation, as part of feminist foreign policy, is seen as a way to foster inclusive and ethical dialogues, cross-cultural understanding, and human security. It moves away from privileging state interests and traditional notions of security, emphasising the importance of care, justice, and empathy.
Intersectionality (Find out: What’s Intersectionality?)
Intersectionality is a concept originating in Black feminist thought that examines how various forms of discrimination intersect and shape individuals’ social positioning. It recognises that social categories such as race, gender, sexuality, class, nationality, ability, ethnicity, and age are interconnected and influence one another. Incorporating intersectionality into foreign policy is crucial for challenging traditional power dynamics, hierarchies in international institutions, and exclusionary diplomatic interactions. By understanding and addressing the multiple sites and sources of marginalisation, intersectionality allows for a transformative approach to combating discrimination and promoting inclusivity. It goes beyond mere diversity and inclusion efforts, encompassing the complex interplay of identities and the relative socio-cultural power and privilege that shape people’s experiences.
Gender Mainstreaming (Find Out: What’s Gender Mainstreaming?)
Gender mainstreaming in foreign policy, or a feminist foreign policy, allows governments to reconsider traditional foreign policies from the perspective of the world’s most marginalised populations. This approach aims to create a safer, more inclusive, healthier, and more peaceful world. By adopting a gendered approach to all international agenda items, it seeks to address conflicts, manage humanitarian efforts, handle environmental resources, regulate trade practices, and address wars more efficiently and effectively.
Core Feminist Foreign Policy Values
The authors of this article maintain that there are no set rules, principles, or values for what constitutes feminist foreign policy, in line with Naves’ (2020) conclusion that the term “feminist foreign policy” has no one definitive definition. The authors of this piece, therefore, turn to the work of Cheung, Jessica, et al. (2021) to understand what precisely comprises and lies at the core of a feminist foreign policy, which makes it so distinctive. Cheung, Jessica, et al. (2021) explain that there are five main principles or values that are essential to developing a feminist foreign policy agenda
The first value, as explained by Stienstra (2022), states that a feminist foreign policy increases the accountability of governments. After all, once a state adopts a FFP, they are then responsible for their conduct. The publication of a policy paper defining what is meant by executing a FFP and how it will be carried out helps states be held accountable. As a result, it is the duty of those who craft and carry out foreign policy to act with responsibility and duty of care (Fiona, 2021).
Connected to accountability is the value of empathetic reflexivity, which mandates that those in positions of power pay attention to and respond to the needs of those around them (Cheung, Jessica, et al., 2021). Thus, Political actors are no longer disassociated from the issue at hand as a result; instead, they become personally invested in and answerable (accountable) to the circumstances, community, and people.
The third value is Participation and Substantive Representation. In a news report by the Government of the Netherlands (2022), it is mentioned that significant measures still need to be taken around the world to achieve universal equality, particularly for women and girls. This is reminiscent of what Atri (2023) writes in her blog post for Mandonna: “Despite a rise since the 1990s, there are still not many women in positions of leadership.” When one adopts a feminist foreign policy, equality and human rights take centre stage in all areas. Thus, Encouraging women and LGBTIQ+ people to fully engage in decision-making is an essential and fundamental value of a feminist foreign policy.
The fourth value that FFP holds close to is intersectionality, which has been previously discussed in this article. Active peace commitment is the last but not the least of the values encrusted in a feminist foreign policy. Traditional approaches to foreign policy are concentrated on the requirement for both domestic and international security, which is maintained through the deployment of national military forces and greater militarisation. For decades, feminists have promoted demilitarisation, negotiation, and the employment of nonviolent methods to advance gender-sensitive human security (Cheung, Jessica, et al., 2021). Hence, FFP advocates for a ‘positive peace approach’.
Peace is frequently perceived as something distinct from development or as merely one component of development that is supplied through mediation, training, or other conflict resolution techniques. Developmental projects immediately become Peacebuilding efforts when the Positive Peace paradigm is used. The Positive Peace approach differs from conventional Peacebuilding approaches, which frequently start with conflict analysis or community analysis, in that it focuses on strengths rather than shortcomings.
Inspiring Change: FFP’s Case Studies from Sweden to Mongolia and Beyond
Atri (2023) explains that The “feminist foreign policy” was first advanced by Sweden in 2014 by then-foreign minister Margot Wallström, in the most comprehensive endeavour. Sweden, often known as the mother of feminist foreign policy, has inspired other countries like Spain, Luxembourg, Mexico, and Canada, all of which have roots in the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD), the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, U.N. Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325, and other global accords that prioritise improving the status of women and mainstreaming gender. Though this policy of Sweden is in talks to be abandoned, one cannot disagree with its importance in bringing this very fact to life and incorporating the 3 R’s: Rights, Resources, and Representation in foreign policy (Walfridsson, 2022).
Since then, Spain has required the Foreign Service to undergo structural adjustments that will align internal procedures with the principles of fairness and equal opportunity, including the integration of a gender lens across all projects (Government of Spain, 2021). The authors of this article agree that this is a significant advancement for the executive sector. Furthermore, By implementing a feminist foreign policy in Luxembourg starting in 2018, traditional foreign policy was altered, particularly in the field of defence. The protection and advancement of the human rights of women and girls was a priority for Luxembourg, and this included confronting sexual assault and violence against women as weapons of war (Thompson, Ahmed, et al., 2021).
Furthermore, The world’s first Feminist International Assistance Policy (hereinafter “FIAP”), which discusses Canada’s commitment to a feminist approach to development assistance, was released in June 2017 by Canada. With this, Canada has been at the forefront of efforts to increase funding for feminist movements and organisations that support women’s rights. Feminist civil society has praised this initiative. This includes the establishment of the ‘Equality Fund’, an autonomous feminist fund into which $300 million from Canadian Official Development Assistance (ODA) was directed in 2019 (Equality Fund, 2021). Additionally, CAD$150 million was committed to assisting regional organisations for women, which later evolved into the Women’s Voice and Leadership Programme (Thompson, Ahmed, et al., 2021).
More recently, As of June 2023, Mongolia plans to execute a feminist foreign policy that will place a high priority on the advancement of gender equality and women’s empowerment in all facets of its international relations (The Gender Security Project, 2023). The strategy will put emphasis on three main things: promoting global initiatives for women, increasing the role of women in the foreign service, and making sure that women take an active part in peacekeeping missions (The Gender Security Project, 2023). Given its geographical location as a landlocked country between Russia and Mongolia’s dedication to a feminist foreign policy is an important step. The measure is probably going to improve the lives of Mongolian women and girls, and it might be used as a template by other nations in the area.
Can India aspire for such a change?
Feminist foreign policies used in the aforementioned case studies alter the conventional understanding of foreign policies by introducing changes in legislation, adjustments to executive structures, shaping the defence realm, and establishing economic funds. The Authors of this paper wonder if India can aspire to such a positive change.
According to Khilllare (2023), conversations around FFP are also becoming more prevalent in India’s academic community, think tanks, feminist organisations, and even official circles. In 2021, India’s External Affairs Minister, Dr S. Jaishankar, indicated as much when he stated, “I agree that we need to look at the world from the perspective of women; we need a gender-balanced foreign policy. We need to look at three things here: Getting more women to engage with foreign policy issues, reflecting women’s interests in foreign policy, and bringing in a feminist perspective to foreign policy” (Khilllare, 2023).
But to better dive into the concept, the authors of this paper refer to Magan (2022), who argues that a proper definition of FFP in the context of India would entail breaking the phrase down into the terms “feminist” and “foreign policy” and then examining how these concepts fit into India’s political attitudes and ideas.
“The idea of FFP needs to be tailored to each country’s specific political needs and backgrounds, making it all the more important for India to derive its own definition of the concept.”
- Magan (2022)
India’s commitments to gender equality appear to be very remarkable on paper. Among them are India’s 1993 ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), its continued progress towards achieving the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal (UN SDG) 5 on gender equality, its support of multilateral initiatives aimed at empowering women, and most recently, India’s membership in the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women in 2020. However, Ricci (2023) argues that India’s FFP must be implemented in national and local public policies in addition to diplomatic relations. India will gain from concentrating its FFP through the ideas of intersectionality and accountability, the important FFP values discussed before. While the caste system, class, and religion prejudices that underpin Indian society are hierarchically structured, bringing a gender lens to national laws and decision-making will address the issues of marginalisation and exclusion that impede democracy.
The Authors will delve into a deeper understanding of India’s feminist foreign policy model, including its prospects, major & minor changes in the existing policies, Its pertinence in the International space, etc., in the future.
Feminist Foreign Policy's Obstacles
To couple the word ‘Feminism’ with something as integral as the foreign policy of a State can spark immense debates. The idea that women’s rights can only be accommodated at the expense of men’s rights is problematic but also forms the basis of how any society has perceived or will perceive a ‘feminist Foreign Policy’ in the near future.
The Authors would like to draw the attention of the readers to the case of Australia. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) pledged Australia to include gender equality as a goal in 80% of its development aid when it released its Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment Strategy in 2016. The plan outlined three guiding principles for Australian assistance: decreasing violence against women and girls; improving women’s economic agency; and strengthening women’s voice in leadership, Peacebuilding, and decision-making. In line with this policy, Australia’s 2017 Foreign Policy White Paper said that enhancing women’s and girls’ rights was the first pillar of its commitment to human rights. However, since then, the Australian government has been facing extensive backlash. The Issue? Male Resentment. A Feminist Foreign Policy doesn’t just require numerical changes. Instead, it requires societal reconfiguration, which includes addressing issues of violence at home (Domestic Violence is a big concern in Australia) or the perception of women and the cause of gender equality. That means that nations like Australia must develop plans to combat male resentment if they want to advance the Three Rs for women and girls (Rights, resources, and Representation), both at home and overseas.
Our generation’s top policy concern is how to advance men. How can we persuade men that increased female agency does not put them in danger? Most importantly, how can we do it without enabling men and rationalising their violent and aggressive actions? A growing body of depressing research suggests that increased female agency and empowerment cause many males to become hostile and violent towards their female partners. This evidence comes from countries like Bangladesh, Vietnam, the Dominican Republic, India, and Rwanda, to mention a few. The political, social, and economic advancements that women are experiencing are being met with a definite male backlash (Diplomat, 2022). This is perhaps one of the primary obstacles presented in the face of implementing a ‘Feminist Foreign Policy
The Authors of this article claim that a mere increase in the number of female leaders will not lead to the emergence of an FFP. In her article “Media Bias: Women In Politics Pay Price”, Mahajan (2023) refers to how both Indira Gandhi and Margaret Thatcher were acclaimed to be “alienated from their sex” because of their display of power and vigour on issues concerning domestic and International affairs.
Women leaders find it extensively difficult to portray feminist issues because they’re compelled to project masculinity as leaders (Mahajan, 2022). This is to say that on a subconscious level, women might believe that they will be effective leaders only when they project “manly characteristics,” because leadership itself is a social construct (Mahajan, 2022). So, another obstacle is to truly embrace the ‘feminine’ in a feminist foreign policy. This can only happen when the interaction of women politicians with their male counterparts as well as with society at large becomes more inclusive and accommodative in approach. Jacinda Ardern’s leadership in New Zealand is one prominent example of the same.
Another issue concerns how a feminist foreign policy enters the large picture of foreign policy in any country, especially with respect to defence spending. This is not to say that all proponents of a feminist foreign policy are pacifists, but most place a strong emphasis on disarmament, military restraint, and multilateral conflict resolution, viewing militarism as inherently linked to patriarchal power structures (Carnegie, 2023). So, how does German foreign policy accommodate feminist ideals in the face of the Russia-Ukraine War? Imagine, How would India be willing to adopt this approach in the face of its conflict with China?
Monitoring progress is also one of the obstacles. The disparity between rhetorical and legislative promises and practical implementation has been a recurring point of criticism when looking at nations that have enacted feminist foreign policies in recent years. However, many governments have also struggled to develop transparent reporting requirements, clear accountability structures, and targets.
The spending habits of governments are the easiest to quantify. Existing research indicates that higher funding pledges for gender equality are frequently—but not always—accompanied by the introduction of a feminist foreign policy and/or development strategy. For instance, in Canada, funding for initiatives with gender equality as their main objective surged considerably from $60 million in 2014 to $873 million in 2019 following the passage of its Feminist International Assistance Policy in 2017. However, this pattern hasn’t appeared everywhere. For instance, when its feminist foreign policy was in existence, Sweden’s financial commitments to gender equality fluctuated.
Beyond aid spending, progress is exceedingly hard to measure. In certain instances, nations with feminist foreign policies have assumed obvious leading positions in the fight for multilateral gender equality standards and frameworks. For instance, both the G7 presidencies of Canada and France have advanced additional gender equality commitments; Sweden was active on the UN Security Council in 2017–2018. But there are many instances of discrepancies. For neglecting to use its position on the Security Council in 2021–2022, Mexico has come under fire from feminist activists. In addition to being criticised for not consistently implementing their feminist pledges into their economic and security policies, such as with regard to arms transfers to authoritarian regimes, Sweden, Canada, France, and others have also come under fire.
While there are many more issues, we can sum all of them under one banner: How can a Feminist Foreign Policy ensure that it is nuanced everywhere, all the time? (A claim made by the Swedish government)
Conclusion
In conclusion, the concept of feminist foreign policy (FFP) represents a transformative approach to international relations that prioritises gender equality and human rights. It challenges patriarchal power structures and encompasses values of accountability, empathetic reflexivity, participation and substantive representation, intersectionality, and an active commitment to peace. Several countries have implemented feminist foreign policies to varying degrees, inspiring change and addressing gender inequality in their diplomatic engagements.
India has also shown an increasing interest in feminist foreign policy. While India has made commitments to gender equality on a global scale, the implementation of feminist foreign policy requires addressing some internal issues which the authors aim to discuss in the future.
However, the road to implementing a feminist foreign policy is not without challenges. Discrepancies between rhetoric and practical implementation, difficulty in measuring progress, and the need for nuanced approaches in various policy areas pose obstacles. Moreover, societal reconfiguration and addressing deep-rooted biases are necessary to ensure the success of feminist foreign policies. Despite these challenges, the growing discussions and interest in feminist foreign policy globally indicate a shifting paradigm in international relations towards greater gender equality and inclusivity.
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References
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Authorship Credits
Falguni Mahajan is a graduate of Lady Shri Ram College, Delhi University. Her interests are multi-faceted and everything about Gender, International Relations & Social Entrepreneurship is what activates her mind and soul. She envisions a space of inclusivity and equity and Mandonna is her first attempt to do just that!
Ananya Atri is an International Relations student and currently interns at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Research at her university. She has been part of Global Youth India and right now serves as the Director of Communications at NGO Cultural Diversity for Peaceful Future in Georgia. Her interest in writing for Mandonna stems from her belief in equality and inclusion.
